Abstract
Widespread ideals about libraries are in conflict with deep-rooted gender-based
inequities within the library and gendered perceptions of libraries and librarians by
the larger public. These contradictions are particularly striking when we look at
gender in conjunction with information technologies that help to structure work-roles
in the library, especially as these change. This article uses conventional and
“fictional” timelines to survey the historical junctures of
gender and technology in the library and to speculate about the future of the
academic library, with particular attention to deployments of the digital humanities
in the library and its potential for disrupting these long-standing gender
patterns.
As an institution that is defined by information technologies and as a workplace where
women have been in the majority for over a century, the library offers a unique
perspective from which to view the evolving relations of gender and technology.
[1] Widespread
ideals about libraries as “essential to the functioning
of a democratic society...the great symbols of the freedom of the mind” are in
conflict with deep-rooted gender-based inequities within the library and gendered
perceptions of libraries and librarians by the larger public — and can only be enacted
through technologies that are now in flux, like books, catalogs, databases, and the
internet.
[2] In other words, library ideals are stressed along
gender lines and in terms of technological practices. This juncture, where gender and
technology meet in the library, thus deserves our particular attention, not only for
feminist analyses of technology and technological culture, but for ongoing debates about
the identity of the library in a period of technology-driven transformation.
[3]
This juncture is equally important to the identity of the digital humanities, given the
library’s complex and symbiotic relationship to the digital humanities. Practically
speaking, the library, especially the academic library, is the space where many
institutional embodiments of the digital humanities are staged, in digital humanities
programs or centers that are located within the library or congruent to it; this means
that many practitioners of the digital humanities work in libraries or in units that
rely on libraries. Indeed, the digital humanities center in/adjacent to the library has
emerged as a key paradigm not only for the implementation of the digital humanities but
also for library responses to the changing information environment.
[4] The library serves symbolically as the founding genius
loci of the digital humanities, as an inter-disciplinary laboratory and repository — but
it is also perceived as an agent of the “old” humanities, structured
by traditional disciplinary distinctions, one-way communication systems, slow
technology, and fixed professional identities. The library is responsible for some of
the confusion about the very definition of the digital humanities, as the host of many
of the digital tools, digitized resources, digitization programs, and digitization
specialists that make the digital humanities possible, but are not in and of themselves
expressions of the digital humanities...except for when they are. Finally, library
ideals — the library as guardian of free speech, information safe-haven, repository of
cultural memory, and nursery of self-determination, dedicated to serving community needs
— engage values that are also associated with the digital humanities, whose
practitioners often claim commitments to public discourse, open access, and service to a
broadly defined interdisciplinary community. Because of this operational interdependency
and congruency of principles, questions about gender and technology in the library
matter to the digital humanities and vice versa — and gain new urgency when we imagine a
future in which technological change continues to influence both libraries and the
digital humanities.
One way to think our way into these connected futures is to survey their histories for
predictive patterns. The timeline, a visual representation of chronological time, offers
a means of discerning such patterns by sequencing thematically connected but temporally
distant moments within particular stretches of history. The timeline’s signature
rhetorical elements — the indicative presentation of a single date and fact, multiplied
and ordered in a supposedly unassailable progression — implicitly assert its
completeness and accuracy, creating the illusion of a record so fully mastered it can be
delineated in a few strokes, like a connect-the-dots picture, and freed from the usual
proof obligations, such as footnotes. While the selectivity, linearity, and compression
of the timeline can reify the historical status quo, resulting, for example, in a “traditional and parochial display of Eurocentrism
regarding the history of science and technology,” the timeline can also be a
tool of revision: by identifying and linking isolated bits of data within a mass of
accumulated historical phenomena, timelines can help us see and tell new stories [
Ihde and Amato 2000]. Timelines can even serve as “interpretationally
flexible” devices for feeling our way towards an understanding of events
that are not yet finished.
[5] It is in the spirit of this latter conception of a
timeline’s utility that I offer the three timelines below.
[6]
Timeline I — not a conventional timeline at all — sets up the symbolic landscape: how
library ideals function within a civilization’s self-description, as they appear in one
representative sci-fi future. In this biased bullet-point recap of a particular
speculative fiction, library ideals that come into view as mere background to the plot
can be seen as significant vehicles of gender patterning with respect to technology.
This timeline-that-is-not-one thus also helps illustrate the narrative losses and gains
of the timeline as a device.
Timeline II, organized into three chronological periods, reviews selected events in
library history since the mid-nineteenth century. Each set of events is brought together
by a focus on the library identity that has been created by historically specific
imbrications of gender and technology. While I make this focus more legible at the end
of each set and then reduce the whole chronological stretch into a few key points, the
events themselves may seem to exceed the interpretation I extract from them — as indeed
they should. I hope that readers will feel free to skim, skip, or dip more deeply into
events, or identify missing events, to corroborate or question my historical deductions.
Timeline III returns to the mode of speculative fiction: how might different
configurations of gender and technology play out in the library of the future? Three
possibilities for the academic library are described — three versions of the future,
circa 2030 — each with a title that again names a particular library identity. For each,
I have attempted to draw out what particular library commitments might mean for gender
roles within the library, for the digital humanities, and for disciplines more
generally. Here again the governing structure is less a conventional timeline than a
“time outline,” each a model of an idea about the future. Multiple
options again offer an invitation to the reader: to contest or embellish these models,
propose others, or refigure their gender and disciplinary implications.
All of these timelines employ to a degree the genre’s indicative mood and fantasy of
comprehensiveness, but I have attempted to frustrate these properties in several ways:
by adding commentary and interpretation; by including historical events that do not
exactly adhere to the interpretive scaffolding I have put in place, and that therefore
gesture to other possible stories; and of course by turning the instrument of the
timeline towards chronologies that are incompatible with its factual arrays, ie,
fictions and suppositions.
[7] Most importantly, because we are still immersed in the
sequences they chart, these timelines cannot be conclusive — in the case of the final
three possibilities, we have not even reached the temporal horizon they depict. They are
necessarily shaped by weighted interpretations of history and current concerns; they
inevitably are or will be “wrong,” according to the criteria of a
later analysis.
[8] To compound the inaccuracy by setting these
timelines within the fixed frame of a traditional argument seems to me both unwise and,
ultimately, antithetical to their more open-ended purpose: to use the past to refocus
our view of the present and our possibilities for the future. So, in place of a thesis
statement, I offer the guiding questions below — and, at the very end, a proposal for a
possible, partial remedy for the gender fractures in library ideals, and their
disciplinary and technological repercussions. My aim is not to suggest a single answer,
but to prompt a more explicit conversation about the relationship between the library
and the digital humanities in terms of gender and technology.
First, the questions that have shaped this selection of timeline events. Where do gender
stresses in libraries come from, how have they shifted, and in what forms do they
persist — despite decades of feminist attention? What is the history of technology in
the library, especially those technologies that are indigenous to the library and those
in the deep background of digital poesis? Does the history of gender in the library look
different when we examine it in tandem with the history of technology? Does the future?
What does the rise of the digital humanities in the twenty-first century augur for
libraries in terms of these long-standing gender stresses? In short, why do we who work
in libraries — which have been, historically, on the front lines of “the shock
of the new” when it comes to information technology — still experience
“the shock of the familiar” when it comes to gender?
Timeline I: Back to the Present, 2077 to 2013
-
March 14, 2077. It is sixty years after a nuclear war with a
race of aliens called Scavs. Earth is a wasteland.
- Technician Jack Harper is two weeks from the end of his five-year mission,
monitoring and repairing the drones that defend the coastal water rigs that
deliver fusion energy to the human colony on Saturn’s moon Titan, established
after Earth became uninhabitable.
- The other member of the tiny “mop-up team” of two is
Victoria, Jack’s communications liaison and girlfriend. They live in a tower high
above the planet surface. While Jack visits the surface every day to work on
drones, Victoria stays in the tower to coordinate the directives conveyed by their
commander from the Tet, a space station.
- On this day, Jack is eager to complete the day’s patrol. But Earth is a
dangerous place. Jack has to fend off guerrilla Scavs who attack him and his
drones while he navigates a landscape rife with peril. The blue planet is a
desert; a radioactive zone impedes travel; cities are buried in sand from the
massive earthquakes and floods that restructured the terrain after the Scavs blew
apart the moon.
- Jack tracks a missing drone to a sinkhole and lowers himself in after it,
where he lands inside the damaged but still recognizable Rose Reading Room of the
New York Public Library.
- Jack’s visit to the library is cut short by a crisis, as you might expect, but
he does manage to borrow a book on his way out: Thomas Babington Macaulay’s Lays of Ancient Rome, a series of poems about heroic
Roman feats. (In later scenes, we see that Jack’s copy, a leather-bound volume
with raised headbands and gilt decoration, looks a lot like the first edition of
1842.)
- Back at the tower, Jack is drawn to one particular verse: “And how can man die better / Than facing fearful odds, / For the
ashes of his fathers, / And the temples of his gods”
(XXVII).[9]
- The next day. Jack brings The
Lays to his hand-built secret hide-out by a lake in a luscious green
canyon far from the tower, where it joins a larger collection of salvaged media
and technologies: LPs, a turntable, lots of other books.
- In the end. The hide-out — a repository of the past out of
which Jack rewrites his present — becomes the origin for a new future for Earth:
in the film’s final scenes, it is where Jack’s daughter is born and where a human
resistance to a controlling artificial intelligence gathers force.
What is the New York Public Library doing in the sci-fi future of
Oblivion, a 2013 action-movie vehicle for Tom Cruise? It is
there to flaunt its symbolic capital as a metaphor for civilization and,
specifically, civilization’s continuation over time. Many of the library’s iconic
features are present in the set: stone arches (carved with the words “New York Public Library,” just barely legible); the long
tables and lamps of the reading room; a wooden book cart; a large globe; shelves;
books.
[10] While Jack’s hide-out has all the
accoutrements of a beloved personal library, at the other end of the public-private
spectrum, the two spaces are connected by the books themselves — these are the true
“temples” for the “ashes of the fathers.”
Oblivion incorporates many of the preoccupations of
mainstream science fiction: a deep ambivalence about technological change, for one
thing — excitement about its promises coupled with fears about its potential effects;
a tenacious attachment to traditional gender roles, for another. Jack’s and
Victoria’s respective relationships to the technologies of the mission are
illustrative. Jack descends every day from the tower to the surface, which he reaches
via the gyroscopic spaceship that he flies with aplomb; he fixes drones with chewing
gum and gins up pre-war record players in his secret lake house. In contrast, as
communications officer, Victoria ascends every day to the top of their Jetson-style
quarters — a domestic pedestal far removed from the contradictions of the surface.
Victoria dresses more like a sexy secretary à la Mad Men fantasy than a military
staffer; in her tight, pale skirts and silver shoes, with a delicate radio
transmitter on one ear, she sits at her hi-tech podium and moves icons around on its
many screens, mediating between Jack and mission control, uploading and downloading
data, watching his activities through grainy video feeds, and losing contact with him
when he goes rogue. Like most films of its ilk,
Oblivion
assures us that the future, with respect to the ways gender animates technology, will
look a lot like the present: Jack hacks; Victoria yacks.
One key exception to this rule is signaled by the library.
[11] It is Jack who is interested in yacking with the past
through old technologies, who creates his own library of rescued books and LPs so he
might mine them for a connection to history and a better future. It would even be
possible to argue that Jack himself represents a kind of human library, an archive of
personal memories that are preserved (as we eventually learn) through many iterations
of Jack clone bodies. As for the scene set in the ruins of the NYPL, it is important
that
Oblivion offers clues for recognizing the actual
building, for it is a structure that symbolizes two of the library’s most admired
missions: it is a democratic institution that is also a precinct of scholarship.
Given its age — the building was designed in 1895 and opened in 1911 — it serves
perfectly as the emblem of library ideals that were articulated in the late
nineteenth century, through the public library movement and the professionalization
of librarianship, and have come to define “the library” as an
institution. But all of the library scenes in
Oblivion —
the NYPL, Jack’s hide-out, and a collection of books and works of art maintained by
the Scavs — express enduring and cherished conceptions of the library as a storehouse
of human knowledge and achievement, and by extension, of democratic principles. The
library, then, is a storehouse not just of cultural matériel but of cultural memory
itself, and thereby its promise of continuation — it links a civilization’s past and
present to its future. These are functions the film suggests are timeless, sacred,
and worth dying for.
[12]
In keeping with its reiteration of time-honored library ideals,
Oblivion also replicates the gender stresses that are, in fact, as
intrinsic to the library’s actual operations as the library mythos is to the values
it protects. These stresses, originating in patriarchal systems that regulated
women’s legal rights, work, education, and self-determination, took on forms specific
to the library with the advent of the public library movement, when the articulation
of modern library ethics and a related practical expansion opened up librarianship to
women. That shift led in turn to feminized definitions of library work and public
perceptions of the library, which secured the library’s “inferior and precarious status.” [
Garrison 1979, 174]. Not only does the film recreate for
the future the present’s yack/hack technological gender divide, but its
representation of the library as a masculine preserve — the NYPL a stage for Jack’s
action, his private hide-out a cultural refuge — echoes long-standing anxieties about
librarianship’s gender, and reiterates moves made throughout the twentieth century to
rescue it from the damaging effects of a feminized professional identity.
Timeline II: Some Scenes from History, 1841 to 2014
Part 1: The Professional
- 1841. Anthony Panizzi, a sub-librarian at the British
Museum, develops “Ninety-One Cataloguing Rules,”
which provide the foundation for succeeding cataloguing rules and digital
cataloguing elements.
- 1848. William Frederick Poole, an undergraduate,
publishes his first general index to periodical literature. A new edition
supported by the American Library Association (ALA) is published in six volumes
between 1882 and 1908; with the release of the final volume, the index provides
article level indexing by subject matter to 482,000 articles and 378,000
subjects in 12,241 volumes of 479 British and American periodicals from 1802 to
1906.
- 1852.
“The first woman clerk is hired at the Boston
Public Library; by 1878 fully two-thirds of the library workers there are
female. In 1910, 78.5 per cent of library workers in the United
States” are 8 women, the third most “feminized”
profession after teaching and nursing. By 1920, 90 per cent of librarians are
women, and librarianship “employs a larger percentage of
women than either social work or teaching”
[Garrison 1979, 173].
- 1853. The head of the Boston Athenaeum describes his
card catalog at a library conference. Versions of card cataloging date back to
1789, but it does not become widely adopted until the 1860s, overtaking other
cataloging systems like the Rudolph Continuous Indexer.
-
1876. The American Library Association (ALA) is founded at
the centennial celebration in Philadelphia; the society endorses two standard
sizes of catalog cards. Melvil Dewey, who helped launch the organization, also
unveils his Dewey Decimal System of classification (DDC). By 1927, over 90 per
cent of American public libraries employ the Dewey Decimal System.
- 1879. At the annual meeting of the ALA, William
Frederick Poole makes recommendations for the modern library building:
book-stacks arranged by classification, work-space divided by function.
- 1881. Melvil Dewey incorporates the Library Bureau, a
business supplying library “fixtures, furniture
and fittings.”
- 1887. The School of Library Economy is established at
Columbia University. “Library handwriting” becomes a part of
its curriculum, and the student rule book describes best practices for a fast,
legible hand to be used in writing out catalog cards. Typewriters gradually
replace manuscript as standard library equipment in the early twentieth
century.
- 1892. The motto for the ALA is adopted: “The best
reading, for the largest number, at the least cost” [ALA Mission].
- 1893. A report issued by the U.S. Bureau of Education
on the number of volumes in major libraries reveals that quantity in many
libraries has doubled or even quadrupled since 1876.
- 1893. A survey reveals that out of 146 public
libraries, 75 percent have an age limit barring children below the age of 12,
or in some cases 16. Within the next decade, children’s services are seen as an
important part of the public library mission and are largely administered by
women.
- 1895. The International Institute of Bibliography
(originally Institut International de Bibliographie) is established in
Brussels.
- 1897. Herbert Putnam invents Library of Congress
classification, which offers more categories and sub-categories than the Dewey
Decimal System. Like the DDC, it is theoretically a “universal
classification” system to cover all subjects, but is essentially
descriptive — that is, it is an inventory system for actual books. It therefore
lacks epistemological capacity.
- 1899. The main theme of the International Council of
Women’s congress is “Women in the Professions.” It
is the first international women’s meeting to feature a session on
librarianship as a career. Technical professions are not so welcoming: one
French delegate remarks, “It is not forbidden for a woman to
be an engineer, but because there are no courses available to prepare her
for this goal, it is absolutely the same as if this profession was barred
to her”
[Maack 2000, 58–59].
- 1899. A Harvard University professor notes the chief
metaphors used to describe a university library — “the laboratory of the Humanities,”
“the heart of the
university,”
“the brain of the academic
body...no longer a mere storehouse of books, but a great workshop” —
in the course of complaining about an inadequate library building. Also in use
are the phrases the “center of
the university” and “storehouse of knowledge”
[Rothstein 1971, 214].
- About 1900. The Newark circulation system is invented.
Borrowers are issued library cards with a unique registration number. Each book
in a library’s collection is equipped with a pocket holding a standardized book
card. When a book is checked out, the library attendant records on the book
card the borrower’s registration number and loan period; the card is then filed
by call number under each due date. This system is widely adopted, prevailing
over older ledger book-keeping systems and “indicator”
systems.
- 1904. The floor space occupied by card catalogs is
identified as a serious problem for library architecture.
- 1908. The President of Harvard University gives a
series of lectures about the problems of storing rapidly expanding book
collections.
- 1911. Theresa West Elmendorf, the first female
president of the ALA, takes office.
- 1912. Librarians receive less pay than teachers and
work longer hours. By the 1920s, as more employment opportunities for
middle-class women open up, a “vicious cycle” is
established: “library work does
not attract men, and salaries remain low because they are paid to
women”
[Garrison 1979, 226].
- 1923. C. C. Williamson writes a report for the Carnegie
Corporation called Training for Library Service,
which calls for more standardized, academically rigorous, and professional
librarian education: programs should be integrated into universities, clerical
studies should be eliminated, and a national certification board should be
created.
In the latter half of the nineteenth century and the first decades of the
twentieth century, the American librarian became a
“professional,” part of a “national movement towards
occupational cohesion”
[
Garrison 1979, 7]. Professionalization transformed librarianship from a job variously
undertaken by clerks, amateurs, and scholars into a specialized work-role. Key to
this shift was the development of a library association, training programs, and a
classification “science.” In a parallel move, attitudes about
library architecture turned away from the alcoves and galleries of older libraries
towards large buildings spatially organized by distinct library functions —
reference, cataloging, business departments — and by the classification of
books.
Late nineteenth-century professionalization helped to advance a vigorous
“masculine” culture of enterprise, in opposition to
“feminine” genteel culture. This conflict had special
consequences for librarianship. Women in the library work force were perceived as
important custodians of morality and providers of service who could enhance the
credibility of the new public library movement, especially as agents of the
civilizing influences of reading; at the same time, by
“feminizing” the profession, they undermined the library’s
contribution to “masculine” projects such as serious
scholarship, civic engagement, science, and business. By the early twentieth
century, women dominated the work force in public libraries and librarianship’s
low pay and low status were secured.
The professionalization of librarianship in these years coincided with an
unprecedented expansion of print culture. The industrialization of print
technology that began in the early nineteenth century led, by century’s end, to
new techniques of mass production and complex trade networks. Within these
networks, librarians had to invent new tools and systems for selecting, ingesting,
storing, organizing, and circulating books and periodicals, as both the quantity
of material and patron traffic increased. The need for automation thus became
apparent.
Part 2: The Librarian
- 1926. The ALA publishes a two-year survey of adult
education programs in public libraries, recommending that “the public library should lay most stress upon service
to the individual, and should concentrate its attention upon serving the
adult education programs of other groups rather than sponsoring
‘library's own’ programs”
[Stone 1953, 439]. “Reader’s advisory”
bureaus, begun in the late nineteenth century, grow into full-fledged public
services: librarians make suggestions and help patrons find particular
materials. Numerous studies thereafter track the numbers of patrons requesting
help and their requests.
- 1928. A graduate library school is established at the
University of Chicago with a million-dollar grant from the Carnegie
Corporation. The program offers the first Ph.D. in library science and is meant
to attract male students, but most practicing librarians believe that research
is less important than training for librarians. Early faculty members are men
with advanced degrees, not practicing librarians. The first person to earn the
Ph.D. is Eleanor Upton in 1930.
- 1931. The Gaylord book charging machine is invented,
automating the Newark book charging procedure. A punch-card double charging
system is adopted at the University of Texas in 1936. Photo-charging is
introduced at the Gary Public Library in 1940.
- 1933. Pierce Butler publishes An
Introduction to Library Science, which introduces the term
“library science” and advocates for a philosophy of librarianship as a
quantitative, social scientific approach to practical problem-solving [Butler 1933].
- 1935. Newspaper preservation on microfilm begins with
the filming of The New York Times by Kodak.
University Microfilms International (UMI) is founded in 1938; it starts a
dissertation publishing program the following year and a newspaper preservation
program in 1940.
- 1938. The American Documentation Institution is created
to deal with the challenges that non-book and non-periodical materials present
to bibliographic control.
- 1943. The young adult novel A Tree
Grows in Brooklyn is published, about a girl who wants to be a
writer; its portrayal of early twentieth-century Williamsburg includes a
callous lady librarian [Smith 1943].
- 1944.
The Survey Report on the Army Medical Library
recommends a classification system for medical information, modeled on the
Library of Congress system. It is organized by physiological system, regions of
the body, and related specialty or specialties [Metcalf 1944].
- 1944. In The Scholar and the
Future of the Research Library, Fremont Rider predicts that library
holdings will double every decade or two, outpacing storage [Rider 1944].
- 1946. In Frank Capra’s It’s A
Wonderful Life, Jimmy Stewart’s character understands that his life
has value when he learns what would have happened to his wife without him:
“She’s an old maid! She never
married!...She’s just about to close up the library!”
[Capra 1946].
- 1950. The general report of the Public Library Inquiry
of the Social Sciences Research Council concludes that the public library fails
as an agent of mass communication.
- 1951. The 38 branch catalogs of the King County Public
Library are published in tabulating-machine format and updated every six weeks,
in order to facilitate exchange with the other branches.
- 1952. The inaugural issue of Library Trends is published, to answer a need for “synthesis and interpretation” of
library research and developments and to provide “a well-rounded view of the state of the
progress” of different areas of librarianship [Downs 1952, 3].
- 1955. William J. Barrow writes Manuscripts and Documents: Their Deterioration and Restoration.
Although his studies on acidic paper and document repair began in the 1930s,
this work does not reach a wide audience until the 1950s and ’60s [Barrow 1955].
-
1956-57. The Adult Services Division and Reference
Services Division of the ALA are created, part of a restructuring of the
organization that emphasizes “type of
library” and “type of
activity” divisions, following a report by a management consulting
firm — a sign that “services” are increasingly
important.
- 1957. The musical The Music
Man opens on Broadway, featuring Marian the Librarian, and is
adapted into a film in 1962 [Willson 1957]
[Willson 1962].
- 1957. The film Desk Set is
released, about the romance between the reference librarian at a broadcasting
company, played by Katherine Hepburn, and an “efficiency
expert,” Spencer Tracy. Tracy’s character uses an
“electronic brain” to measure productivity at the library
[Lang 1957].
- 1958. National Library Week is inaugurated; the first
slogan is “Wake Up and Read!”
- 1967. The Anglo-American Cataloguing Rules (AACR) are
first published, covering “the description of,
and the provision of access points for, all library materials commonly
collected at the present time” (AACR2).
The mid-twentieth century could be called the golden age of “the
librarian” — the bookish spinster as a recognizable pop culture
figure. In contrast to the prevailing image of the generic “shush
lady,” part clerk, part bluestocking, however, librarianship became
more specialized and systematic as libraries had to adapt to changes in the
knowledge economy and escalating demands for services. As research with an
emphasis on empirical detail assumed a central role in academia, university
library collections expanded and use intensified. New management problems arose
from the growth not only in the number but of types of items in libraries. And the
aging of library materials led to the recognition of the need for conservation and
preservation programs, adding to the obligations of good stewardship.
The administrative challenges of providing ongoing access to an increasingly
complex and sizeable set of print materials affected classification, cataloging,
circulation, and preservation methods. In these arenas, new protocols developed
from bureaucratic innovation and experimental competition: different methods and
tools were tried out over time, until a particular method or tool became dominant.
Librarians studied, reported on, and debated these practices in new professional
journals and library groups, which served as fora for developing consensus.
Automated and mechanized processes were embraced to save time, money, and
labor.
This approach to information management — a problem-identifying and
problem-solving process which favored technical, pragmatic, and standardizing
solutions — also influenced the approach librarians took to public service.
Service to library patrons gained momentum through the adult education movement,
but this also created distinctions: librarians would not serve as teachers in
their own right. Rather, as “readers’ advisor” became a common
duty central to librarianship, readers’ and reference services were codified
through the development of definitions, guidelines, and standards.
Librarianship was still tied to the ideals of self-improvement and public
education that motivated the public library movement of the late nineteenth
century, but library leaders wanted to modernize the work force by defining a
distinct area of library expertise and building up professional credentials. This
set of pressures led to a turn away from the older idea of the librarian’s
educational role and towards an identity that prioritized access to information
and the librarian as a service provider.
Part 3: The Information Specialist
- 1962. At the Seattle World’s Fair, the ALA puts on a
“Library 21” exhibit featuring a Sperry-Rand
Univac Solid State 90 computer that answers “ready
reference” questions to visitors by providing instant, annotated
bibliographies. The 84 librarians staffing the exhibit are largely unpaid,
making the “value of human
labor” uncertain [Downey 2007, 37].
- 1963. The Council on Library Resources gives the
Library of Congress a grant to study the feasibility of automated library
systems; a pilot project is underway by 1966, and a MARC operational system is
launched in 1969. The author of MARC (Machine Readable Cataloging) is Henriette
Davidson Avram.
- 1966. In response to a petition drive, the Information
Science and Automation Division of the ALA is established. The issue of how to
become a part of ALA is “complicated
by the fact that automation crossed over various organizational lines...
Acquisitions, serials control, and cataloging fell within the
responsibilities of the Resources and Technical Services Division (RTSD),
but circulation and general management came under the Library Administration
Division. There were also information retrieval or
‘documentation’ committees in several divisions and an
Interdivisional Committee on Documentation”
[Salmon 1993, 16].
- 1966. A Data and Computation Center is founded at the
University of Wisconsin, which includes a Data and Program Library Service
division, in response to a need for “assistance in social science research problems related to large-scale data
collection and computation”
[Robbin 1982, 408].
- 1968. The American Documentation Institute is renamed
the American Society for Information Science, reflecting in part the importance
of automated systems for information storage and retrieval. In 2000, the name
is changed again to the American Society for Information Science and
Technology.
- 1969. The National Women’s Liberation Front for
Librarians is formed as a joke, but it becomes an official committee of the ALA
the next year, called the Status of Women in Librarianship. In 1980, it is
renamed the Feminist Task Force. In 1976, the Committee on the Status of Women
in Librarianship (COWSL) is formed.
- 1969. A study suggests that librarians are not
perceived as professionals, since “the public is not convinced that there is a basic science of librarianship;
the skill is thought to be only clerical or administrative” — a
perception also noted in 1921 [Harris 1992, 6].
-
1970. Anita R. Schiller publishes “The
Disadvantaged Majority: Women Employed in Libraries” in American Libraries
[Schiller 1970].
- 1971. The “social responsibility of the
librarian” is defined as “the collecting, organizing, servicing and
administering of the graphic records of civilization”; therefore,
“he cannot be an educator in the
proper sense”
[Shera 1971, 10].
- 1973. The Association for Literary and Linguistic
Computing is founded; its name changes to the European Association for Digital
Humanities in 2011.
- 1974 – 1979. Father Roberto Busa publishes a database
version of his concordance to the works of Thomas Aquinas, considered to be the
first electronic text project.
- 1975. The first online public access catalog (OPAC) is
developed at Ohio State University. By the end of the 1980s, commercial systems
have mostly replaced library-built systems and complex search functions are
common.
- 1976. A humorous library history called The Happy Bookers predicts that in the future “the onetime library patron will press a
button and turn a dial on his TV, whereupon the requested book, in the
desired language, will appear on the screen...”
[Armour 1976, 132].
- 1976. Clara Stanton Jones, the first African-American
president of the ALA, takes office.
-
1978. The Association for Computers and the Humanities is
founded.
- 1979.
The Role of Women in Librarianship, 1876-1976: The Entry,
Advancement and Struggle for Equalization in One Profession is
published [Weibel and Heim 1979].
- 1979.
Apostles of Culture: The Public Librarian and American
Society, 1876-1920 is published; its author recommends that
librarianship rest “on a
systematic body of theory and scientifically based abstract
knowledge” and expertise to compensate for the profession’s low
status and pay related to the “feminization” of its work
force [Garrison 1979, 186].
- 1982. The status of “information
science” continues to rise in relation to
“librarianship”; by 1982, 50 percent of ALA-accredited
library schools have added the term “information” to their titles.
- 1982. A study notes that the composition of library
school faculties appears to be shifting: 75.4 percent of deans and directors
are men, and men make up a majority of full and associate professors, but 57.2
percent of assistant professorships are held by women [Heim 1982, 309].
- 1983. The Committee on the Status of Women in
Librarianship (COWSL) publishes a study showing that almost half of the male
members of the ALA are administrators, even though only 21.7 percent of the
members are men. The study also finds that “being male is significantly associated with receiving a
higher salary even when personal, professional and organizational variables
are comparable to those of females in the sample”
[Heim and Estabrook 1983, 37].
- 1983. A study finds a 21.5 percent disparity in
salaries between teaching faculty and librarians at academic institutions that
grant faculty status to librarians; there is a 24.6 percent disparity at
academic institutions that do not grant faculty status to librarians. Overall,
mean salaries for librarians lag behind teaching faculty salaries by 29
percent. In 2008, the disparity between mean salaries has grown to 32 percent
[Perret and Young 2011].
- 1984. Seeking to understand how the gender ecology of a
workplace — whether it is male- or female-dominated — affects job satisfaction,
a study finds a correlation between gender and job satisfaction when male and
female librarians are compared to male and female faculty; both male librarians
(in the minority) and male faculty (in the majority) report higher rates of job
satisfaction than female librarians (in the majority) and female faculty (in
the minority). The study also shows that greater autonomy and decision-making
power are correlated with job satisfaction [Rockman 1984].
- 1986. Survey results published in Academic and Public Librarians: Data by Race, Ethnicity and Sex
indicate that academic and public library staffs are 88.5 percent white, and
that top managers are disproportionately male and white [Guy 1986].
- 1986. The journal Literary and
Linguistic Computing publishes its first issue; the editorial team
of eight includes three women.
- 1987. The Text Encoding Initiative is launched; the
first version of the TEI Guidelines is published in 1994.
- 1988. The possible first use of the term
“digital library” in print occurs in the title of a
report published by the Corporation for National Research Initiatives.
- 1989. A dozen authors and 40 publishers sign an
“acid-free paper pledge” at a New York Public Library ceremony [Sagraves and Welsh 1995].
- 1992. A study of gender and salary data from 1972-1990
reveals that a disproportionate number of systems librarian positions (those
who install, maintain, and develop library computer and telecommunications
systems) go to men. For both men and women working as systems librarians,
salaries are significantly lower than for computer scientists in general [Bergman 2005, 119].
- 1992. The Institute for Advanced Technology in the
Humanities is established at the University of Virginia, and is physically
located in the university’s library.
- 1993. The National Academy Press (later the National
Academies Press) puts its materials on the web for free, initiating the open
access model of publication.
- 1993. The Library Support Staff Interests Roundtable
(LSSIRT) is established as an official group within the ALA, officially
signaling a turn towards the hiring of paraprofessionals for jobs that formerly
required a library degree, and fueling librarian anxieties about the
“de-professionalization” of librarianship.
- 1997. The Library of Congress’s Network Development and
MARC Standards Office develops Document Type Definitions (DTD) for Standard
General Markup Language (SGML).
- 1999. The President of the American Society for
Information Science defines information science as the combination of “two fundamentally different
traditions: a ‘document’ tradition concerned with signifying objects
and their use; and a ‘computational’ tradition of applying algorithmic,
logical, mathematical, and mechanical techniques to information management.
Both traditions have been deeply influenced by technological modernism:
technology, standards, systems and efficiency enable progress”
[Buckland 1999, 970].
- 1999. The National Library of Medicine Classification
guide is published for the last time in print. Beginning with the 2002 edition,
it is published in electronic form only and updated annually.
- 2000. The Coalition for Networked Information and the
Digital Library Federation establish the Open Archives Initiative (OAI); the
following year, the OAI develops its Protocol for Metadata Harvesting (PMH)
version 1.0.
- 2001.
A Scientific American article predicts that the
World Wide Web of unstructured documents will evolve into a “semantic
web” of machine-readable data [Berners-Lee, Hendler, and Lassila 2001].
-
2002. The starting salaries for recent library school
graduates are 7.1 per cent higher for men than for women.
- 2002. The HASTAC (Humanities, Arts, Science and
Technology Advanced Collaboratory) network is launched.
- 2003. A figurine modeled on Seattle Public Library
librarian Nancy Pearl is brought out as a novelty toy, and arouses controversy
because its “shushing action” reinforces librarian
stereotypes.
- 2003. The annual report of the Association for Research
Libraries shows that men fill 56 percent of the high-tech positions while only
making up 21.4 percent of library school graduates, and have a starting wage
that averages 28 percent higher than that of women [Bergman 2005].
-
2004. The first Library Book Cart Drill Team Championship
takes place at the annual conference of the ALA. A National Public Radio story
on the 2009 competition begins, “The stereotype of the librarian —
horn-rimmed glasses, hair in a bun, finger to her lips stubbornly
shushing — was nowhere to be found at this year's Librarian Book Cart
Drill Championships held recently in Chicago”
[Spitzer 2009].
- 2005. A study of electronic resources librarians shows
that women occupy these positions at a percentage that is proportionate to
their representation in the library work force, but that men are more likely to
be supervisors. The sample size is too small to interpret salary data, however,
and there is ambiguity about what constitutes an “electronic resources
librarian”
[Bergman 2005].
- 2005. The online cataloging service LibraryThing is
founded by Tim Spaulding, an educational software developer and erstwhile PhD
candidate in Greek and Latin. In 2007, Goodreads is founded by Otis Chandler, a
“bookshelf sharing” and book recommendations website.
“Librarian” status is available to applicants with at
least 50 books in their profile; these are trusted super-users who “can edit book and author data, add book
covers, and combine different editions of books... Librarians help correct
book issues, like if the data isn’t correct, or is missing things...”
[Goodreads]
- 2006. The National Endowment for the Humanities
establishes its Digital Humanities Initiative, renamed the Office of Digital
Humanities in 2008.
- 2006. The first version of Zotero — a free, open-source
bibliographic management tool — is launched by the Roy Rosenzweig Center for
History and New Media at George Mason University.
- 2007. A consolidated edition of the International
Standard Bibliographic Description (ISBD) rules are published by the
International Federation of Library Associations and Institutions (IFLA),
bringing together rules for different types of publications and providing a
standard form of bibliographic description for the international exchange of
records.
- 2007. CenterNet is formed, an “international network of digital humanities
centers”
[centerNet].
- 2008. The first THATcamp (The Humanities and
Technology) “unconference” is held at George Mason University’s Center for
History and New Media; the next year, the first traveling THATcamp takes place
at the University of Texas alongside the annual meeting of the Society of
American Archivists.
- 2009. A private school de-accessions its library’s
print collection and builds laptop-accessible study carrels and a café in the
space formerly occupied by stacks and the reference desk, setting off a storm
of concern.
- 2011. The “more hack,
less yack” controversy in the digital humanities erupts at the Modern
Language Association convention, and energizes an ongoing discourse about race,
gender, and technological expertise.[13]
- 2011 and 2012. Two genealogies of the digital
humanities written by librarians do not say much about the relationship between
the digital humanities and the library [Dalbella 2011], [Unsworth 2012].
- 2013. A special issue of the Journal of Library Administration devoted to “Digital Humanities in Libraries: New Models for Scholarly
Engagement” is published; contributors have to work around the
journal’s copyright policy to make open access versions of their articles
available [Rochenbach 2013].
- 2014. The Wikipedia entry titled “Library science” begins with the sentence, “Library science (often termed library studies
or library and information science) is an interdisciplinary or
multidisciplinary field that applies the practices, perspectives, and tools
of management, information technology, education, and other areas to
libraries; the collection, organization, preservation, and dissemination of
information resources; and the political economy of information.” The
entry titled “Information science” begins “Information science (or
information studies) is an interdisciplinary field primarily concerned with
the analysis, collection, classification, manipulation, storage, retrieval,
movement, and dissemination of information… Information science should not
be confused with information theory or library science”
[Library science 2014], [Information science 2014].[14]
-
2014. According to the current mission statement of the
ALA, the goal of the library is “to
enhance learning and ensure access to information for all,” while the
Constitution states that the organization’s main object “shall be to promote library service and
librarianship.” [ALA Mission]
In the late twentieth century and early twenty-first century, librarians worked to
change their image and the idea of librarianship, both to counter the
“shush lady” stereotype, seen as an impediment to users’
comfort with library services and librarians’ professional status, and to grapple
with rapid technological change that restructured the information environment. In
particular, the librarian’s key role as an information specialist — specifically,
a mediator of access to information — grew more important as new technologies
complicated information experience, but was also strained by the greater
independence these new technologies offered to information seekers.
One response to technological change was the rise of a field called information
science, and the conflicted rapprochement of library science with information
science. Whereas information scientists might have associated librarianship with
the practical management of repositories, and information science with the history
of science and technology, information business, computerization, and the
organization of knowledge, librarians might have associated librarianship with
public service, information retrieval, and bibliographic control, and information
science with “library science for
boys”
[
Hildenbrand 1999, 45] and “the dangerous pursuit of professionalism”
[
Harris 1993, 874]. Competing research paradigms emerged and
then gradually merged: as a pragmatic social science, library science was devoted
to studying its own systems and roles and the needs and behaviors of users,
whereas information science incorporated theories of information, public policy,
and human-computer interaction. Although the two domains are now generally
understood to be coincident or at least as complementary, information science is
still sometimes represented as distinct from librarianship. Gender is certainly in
play in these designations, as many of the traditional functions of librarianship
continue to be perceived as feminine, while the status of information science
benefits from masculine associations.
In this period, the feminist presence in librarianship became outspoken.
Researchers analyzed patterns of workplace stratification — in terms of sex, race,
salary, level of technological responsibility, place in the hierarchy and
occupation — and the public perception of librarians. Feminist critique was
integrated into the professional apparatus through groups and publications. By the
end of this period, a larger proportion of library leaders were women, but many of
the general patterns observed in the 1970s and ’80s remained.
Certain core elements of library practice and philosophy were unaffected by these
internal conflicts: the belief in the democratic value of access to information,
the understanding of research as central to the academic enterprise, and the
valuation of service as a distinguishing feature of librarianship.
In Sum
- In the nineteenth century and early twentieth century, libraries were
modernized by approaches to information management that took three technologic
forms: a symbolic form, ie, classification structures; a physical form, which
turned classification structures into information storage and retrieval systems,
like architectural designs, shelving, and card catalogs; and an administrative
form, which gave rise to procedures to manage the storage and retrieval systems,
and services to mediate between readers and the materials they sought. These
technologies of information management, but especially the administrative form,
became the foundation of library training programs and professional
identity.
- These approaches to information management helped libraries address problems of
scale: the mass production of printed matter, increasing numbers of library users,
and library values that emphasized the provision of free content to all. Library
technologies were oriented, accordingly, both towards efficiency, in terms of
storage and retrieval, and access, in terms of use. Extensions of these
approaches, such as indexing techniques, reader’s services, and eventually,
conservation and preservation operations, were designed to improve access and
efficiency.
- These technologies of information management, in response to financial and
social pressures for space-saving efficiency and access, thus laid the groundwork
for machine-readable cataloging, which laid the groundwork for structured query
languages and computer mark-up languages, which laid the groundwork for network
connectivity and new forms of digital poesis.
- Women gained entry to librarianship in its early professional history because
of their “civilizing influence,” but even when this was no
longer an explicit consideration, women could be appointed to positions that
emphasized the implementation of efficiency and access technologies and principles
without disrupting traditional gender roles — in short, positions that required
public service and the ability to use and manage information technologies but not
to invent them or brand them with symbolic currency.
- As women increasingly dominated the library workforce, the library assumed an
ambivalent public image. As an institution, the library was seen by the public
through the filter of ideals that retained masculine associations with freedom of
thought, self-determination, and the protection of cultural heritage; but as a
workplace, it was seen through the filter of the “woman’s work”
performed within it — as a bureaucracy requiring a service orientation and
clerical competence, not professional expertise.
- Feminist responses to the gendered segregation of work roles within the library
and low pay focused on opportunities within the library. The ethic of service as
the signature of librarianship was retained.
- Technological developments outside the library, and the masculine valence of
“information science” (as opposed to
“librarianship”), raised the cultural status of information
technology. As new information technologies migrated into the library, however,
the value they brought with them was absorbed by pre-existing gender patterns. In
other words, new work roles required by new technologies attracted more men to the
library workplace, but fewer women took on these roles relative to their
population in the overall library workforce, especially in leadership positions,
and the cultural status of these new technologies did not greatly affect public
perceptions of librarianship.
Our historical timelines suggest that information technology, as a constitutive
feature of the library for over 150 years, has always helped to organize the gender
valences of library work and perceptions of the library, but the changes in,
authority of, and rising value of technology in the twentieth century have increased
the stakes of these patterns. As long as they have worked in libraries, women have
been “yackers” who interface with the community of users through
administrative procedures and the provision of services: helping patrons, mediating
between readers and the materials they seek. In roles that are often more technical,
men have been “hackers” — but also “yackers”
when it comes to the big picture: modernizing the library through new information
management technologies, articulating its democratic and scholarly missions, leading
its major institutions.
Timeline III: Future Fictions, circa 2030
The highly distilled observations above, drawn from the historical relationship
between gender and technology in the library, provide a basis for future
speculation.
[15] What comes next?
Below are three possible views of the academic library fifteen or so years hence.
Each describes a kind of library and library workforce that we might encounter in
2030 — a “time outline” rather than a timeline
per
se. Each could evolve from the path laid down so far, in keeping with
certain assumptions about the future of information and higher education: the
digital ecosystem will continue to grow in scope, complexity, and importance; and
the economic constraints on higher education of the past several decades and
especially the past several years will persist, with at best a mix of ups and
downs. Second order factors derive from these basic conditions: the importance of
the library building as a place for people as opposed to storage for a collection;
the increased accountability of the library in terms of advancing institutional
missions; the demand for different skills in the library workforce; the
recognition that libraries have competition as information providers; and the need
to reduce, rearrange, or replace the traditional range of services in order to
save money or develop new sources of revenue.
[16] All together, these
conditions suggest that the academic library will have to shed some of its
historic identity and transition or transform into something new.
[17]
These outlines of future possibilities are not predictions, nor are they
scenarios, in the sense of the term used by the Association of Research Libraries’
scenarios user’s guide: “stories about the
future... devices for ordering perceptions about multiple future
environments...built on a set of relevant uncertainties.”
[
ARL 2010, 41]. Scenarios are used for strategic
planning. The outlines below are more like speculative fictions: possible models
of a certain idea of the academic library’s future identity, played out in
practical terms — including configurations of gender and technology that might
follow from that idea and its repercussions for the digital humanities. In other
words, they are scoped more narrowly and with more internal consistency than would
be likely in reality.
While the futures that are imagined in the library scenarios literature are
anchored in particular descriptions of the present, the present itself is treated
as a historical blank slate — as if it did not evolve from specific histories,
which have created certain inherited patterns and commitments. Discipline-specific
questions are also mostly neglected in the library scenarios literature;
“research” is often treated as if it were a uniform
activity, for example, without disciplinary variations in library and
technological needs, institutional support, relationship to teaching, and social
status.
[18] The scenarios literature also does not address gender or
other vectors of power within the library workforce, in perceptions of the
library, or in academia as a whole. These absences undermine the utility of the
scenarios for the practical ends for which they are designed, since they distort
the picture of how libraries might be needed, used, and staffed in the future. The
models below, although they are incomplete in other ways, can at least help us
consider the consequences of library transformation in terms of gender patterns
and disciplinary impacts.
Version 1: The Connector
- The library as a hub of access to digital content becomes the
central mission of academic libraries, eclipsing other traditional
roles.
- The library provides access to the digital content that its affiliates need
to conduct research. Because of the cost of subscriptions, especially in the
sciences, collections are focused on the most used formats, such as e-journals.
The library rents, and in some cases owns, databases and digital
collections.
- It also serves as a repository for and manager of certain sets of data
produced by institutional affiliates, especially those datasets that must be
made accessible to other researchers for compliance with grant
requirements.
- Because of the cost of maintaining print collections, and the relatively low
use of these collections, the library divests from its traditional role as a
repository of material collections. Print collections are radically reduced and
duplications within regions eliminated; small off-site print collections are
maintained by consortia of geographically or socially related institutions, and
serviced by small interinstitutional or governmental teams, or private
companies.
- Archival and rare materials remain in the possession of institutions, but
are also stored at off-site facilities. Expert researchers may consult them in
reading rooms in libraries or in the off-site locations.
- Library workers perform primarily in these roles.
- For quantitative social science and science researchers, librarians
curate collections of data, conduct literature reviews, and serve as data
specialists on research teams. These librarians are mostly located within
academic departments.
- For qualitative social science and humanities researchers, librarians
primarily work as purchasing and licensing agents, managing a complex
system of subscriptions and agreements for digital collections. They may
work in the library or as telecommuters.
- For students, librarians are intermediaries who help students find
appropriate content for coursework and projects, primarily through online
consultations, or through tools that are embedded in learning management
systems or the online facets of courses. These librarians — instructional
designers and resource specialists — may work in student help centers in
the library or in academic departments, and may be employed as seasonal
workers, like adjuncts.
- On-site staff consist mostly of technical support staff,
administrators and administrative support staff, and security
personnel.
- Discovery tools and interfaces — necessary for the navigation of many
different kinds of resources — are designed by outsourced user experience
specialists.
- As pedagogical, primary source, and methodological expertise wanes in
importance as a library service, libraries employ few subject specialists.
- Library buildings become study and social spaces for undergraduates and some
graduate students, with flexible internal arrangements, cafes, theaters, and
even student clubs and services, with limited office space for on-site
staff.
- The digital humanities have been integrated into the humanities as primary
research outputs and pedagogical methods, supported by departments or
interdisciplinary programs funded by their institutions. DH does not fall
within the purview of the library — although the library may maintain the
servers used to run and archive DH projects.
In this model, the library’s traditional role as a provider of human and
technological services remains intact, but these services have been whittled down
to the functions that have the broadest applicability and where institutional
investments are most readily supplemented by grants and other funding sources,
with a focus on data management and digital collections.
This model works well for quantitative, data-intensive disciplines with access to
government and private funding for research, especially those focused on applied
research: medicine, engineering, environmental sciences. Librarians who work with
researchers in those areas will enjoy a status and salary comparable to that of
today’s lecturers — that is, they will be recognized as faculty peers but not as
the originators of research.
For researchers in the qualitative and interpretive disciplines, the academic
library will mainly serve as a conduit to secondary literature and, for some
institutions, primary sources; librarians will collect material for these
researchers, but will not contribute expertise to these collections or to research
products. Since digital materials will be purchased en masse from vendors, these
positions are likely to be filled by workers with administrative, legal,
technical, and/or financial experience. They will be comparable in status and
salary to today’s library workforce in technical services and administration — a
few will be managers and specialists, many will be paraprofessionals.
A few instructional designers and resource specialists will help students connect
to materials needed for classes, but most discovery services will be outsourced
and students will mostly rely on pre-packaged user guides supplied by the vendors.
These library workers may have some pedagogical or subject expertise, but their
jobs will focus on making materials easy to find and usable in specific contexts.
In addition, libraries will employ a small number of workers who keep the facility
running, and manage and trouble-shoot the technical infrastructure.
The digital humanities will be carried out within individual humanities
departments or interdisciplinary DH programs; researchers relying on this
infrastructure will create a fractured landscape of small and discrete projects,
and a few larger cooperative projects that benefit from opportunistic arrangements
between institutions. Since the humanities won’t enjoy the funding or prominence
of science, whose data production and content needs will be the focus of library
services, humanist researchers won’t have access to the infrastructure or
technological expertise that would allow them to extend and aggregate projects
through centralized databanks and coordinated efforts.
The gender patterns in this model will follow and potentially amplify existing
patterns in the library and in the sciences: librarians attached to scientific
research — with expertise that is directly relevant to their research teams, and a
relatively high status and salary — are more likely to be men, although women with
relevant subject and technological expertise who opt out of research careers may
also fill these roles. Instructional designers and resource specialists are more
likely to be women with an interest in teaching; administrators and
paraprofessionals are more likely to be women with administrative and financial
backgrounds. Technical support staff are likely to be both men and women with
technical training, and security personnel are likely to be both men and women
with little education.
Version 2: The Coordinator
- The library as a suite of services related to the production and consumption
of different forms of scholarly communication becomes the central
mission of academic libraries, which incorporates some traditional roles and
requires new ones.
- The library provides access to the content that its affiliates need to
conduct research, regardless of format. However, because of the cost of
subscriptions, especially in the sciences, the emphasis is on the most-used
formats, such as e-journals, for selected disciplines that have been designated
as institutional areas of strength.
- The library serves as a content repository and data manager for the data and
publications its affiliates produce, for compliance with grant requirements and
re-use.
- Because of the cost of maintaining print collections, print collections are
weeded of material that is not in alignment with institutional areas of
strength. Print collections are housed off-site but are accessible through
delivery and scanning services managed by the library or local consortia. Once
digitized, print materials are de-accessioned unless there is a compelling
reason to keep them.
- Archival and rare materials remain in the possession of institutions, and
are available to expert researchers in reading rooms. Paper materials can be
digitized so that they can be incorporated into various forms of scholarly
communication.
- The library joins with its university’s press, if there is one, or works
independently, if there is not, to provide publishing services for affiliates,
including editorial, legal, technological, and marketing services, on a
cost-recovery basis.
- Library workers perform primarily in these roles.
- For all researchers, librarians curate collections of data and digital
and analog content. For quantitative studies, they may also conduct
literature reviews and serve as data specialists on research teams. For
qualitative social science and humanities researchers, librarians are
valued for editorial and publication management services, e.g., copyright
negotiations for the reproduction of licensed material. Librarians also
advocate for open access, open data, and open archives protocols. These
librarians may work within academic departments or in the library.
- Librarians work as purchasing and licensing agents, managing a complex
system of subscriptions and agreements for digital collections. Such
material is often acquired in alignment with existing institutional
strengths so that it may support faculty publications.
- For students, librarians help students find appropriate content for
coursework and projects, and also create “information
literacy” tools so that students are better users of
scholarly content, but these tools remain supplemental to coursework.
Librarians also help to run writing and media centers located in the
library, so that students are better producers of scholarly
content.
- Technology specialists support access systems but also design and
support publication platforms. Libraries also employ administrators,
administrative support staff, and security personnel.
- Discovery tools and interfaces — necessary for the navigation of many
different kinds of resources — are designed by outsourced user experience
specialists.
- Library buildings become study and social spaces for students, with
flexible internal arrangements, but they also provide offices for librarians,
meeting rooms, writing/media centers, and restricted data access rooms.
- The digital humanities have been integrated into the humanities as primary
research outputs and pedagogical methods. Libraries support projects that align
with institutional strengths through archiving services, managing the back-end,
and providing template platforms and interfaces that allow these projects to be
published economically, in alliance with other library publications.
In this model, the library’s traditional role as a provider of human and
technological access services continues, but the library also takes on a new role
by providing data management and publishing services, to support the entire
scholarly communications cycle. To maximize synergy and investment, both branches
of service are aligned with institutional areas of strength.
This model works well for advanced researchers in those disciplines that have been
designated institutional areas of strength. Librarians who work with researchers
in those areas as data or publishing specialists will enjoy a professional status
and salary, but there may be status and salary differences between librarians
based on their disciplinary associations because of the library’s cost-recovery
mandate. Disciplines with access to government and private funding will be able to
support specific kinds of expertise in the library, since they can build those
costs into their grants; while the library will still provide free data and
publishing services to qualifying disciplines that don’t have access to
extra-institutional funding, these services may be less extensive.
Services for students are secondary to those of advanced researchers, but are
addressed through tools, consultations, and library centers that help students
become more informed consumers of scholarly content and more adept
researchers.
Digital humanities projects will be conceptualized within individual humanities
departments or DH programs and maintained by library services, but these projects
will need to conform to library supported platforms and designs. These projects
will benefit from congruencies and intersections with other library-supported
projects in terms of data use, design, and impact; “siloes”
within an institution’s portfolio will be reduced, but it may be more difficult
for institutions to work together because of proprietary designs or architectural
discrepancies. Interdisciplinary work may be hampered by the institution’s focus
on particular areas of strength.
The gender patterns in this model will follow existing patterns in the library,
complicated by disciplinary gender patterns, especially as they relate to the
status of research, teaching, and publishing activities. Librarians associated
with high-level technology design or data and publishing services for the science
disciplines that are aligned with institutional areas of strength — like big data
management — will more likely be men. Librarians who work with students by
creating information literacy tools and running writing and media centers, and
librarians who work in publishing services, especially in the humanities, will
more likely be women.
[19] Librarians who are primarily responsible
for purchasing resources will need some subject expertise, in order to curate
subject-appropriate collections that align with institutional areas of strength,
but will also need financial and legal expertise. They, along with administrators
and paraprofessionals, are more likely to be women.
Version 3: The Collaborator
- The library as a provider of infrastructure for research and
learning becomes the central mission of academic libraries — where
infrastructure is seen as a combination of expertise, resources, and
technological architecture.
- The library provides access to the content that its affiliates need to
conduct research, regardless of format. Because of the cost of subscriptions,
especially in the sciences, the emphasis is on the most used formats, such as
e-journals, and on print collections with the potential to support significant
use.
- The library serves as a content repository and data manager for the data and
some of the publications its affiliates produce, for compliance with grant
requirements and re-use.
- Because of the cost of maintaining print collections, print collections are
weeded of material that is duplicated by other institutions, except where there
is evidence of potential for significant use; regional consortia collaborate on
shared print collections. Print collections are housed off-site but are
accessible through delivery and scanning services managed by these local
consortia.
- Archival and rare materials remain in the possession of institutions. They
are consulted in reading rooms, but are also used in classes, exhibitions,
publications, and DH projects.
- Library workers perform primarily in these roles.
- For all researchers, librarians curate collections of data and digital
and analog content. For quantitative studies, they may also conduct
literature reviews and serve as data specialists on research teams. For
qualitative social science and humanities researchers, librarians work on
teams that create technological infrastructure and provide subject
expertise for digital projects that are both research products and
pedagogical tools. They are also informed participants in open access,
open data, and open archives programs.
- Librarians work as purchasing and licensing agents, managing a complex
system of subscriptions and agreements for digital collections, and
linking institutionally produced projects to institutionally produced
discovery tools.
- For students, librarians help students find appropriate content for
coursework and projects, and create “information literacy” tools so that
students are better users of scholarly content, but also incorporate the
study of information into projects that happen in the library, so that
students learn these skills in tandem with/through activities.
- Technology specialists support access systems but also design and
support publication platforms, discovery tools, and other forms of
technological infrastructure.
- Libraries also employ administrators, administrative support staff,
and security personnel.
- Discovery tools, learning modules, and software applications are designed
by library developers to fit an institution’s unique collection of digital,
print, and archival materials, the expertise of affiliates, and teaching and
learning needs. Sometimes these tools are open source, and sometimes they are
commercialized.
- Library buildings become study and social spaces for students, with flexible
internal arrangements, but they also provide offices for librarians, restricted
data access rooms, and meeting and workspace for centers where data management
services are handled, digital projects are created, and enterprise ventures are
carried out.
- The digital humanities have been integrated into the humanities as primary
research outputs and pedagogical methods. Libraries are key partners in these
projects, providing archiving services, backend management, research and
development talent, and pedagogical expertise to facilitate student
involvement.
In this model, the library’s traditional role as a provider of access to content
continues, but the library takes on new roles in order to integrate “access” into
a broader research and learning infrastructure, with a focus on research and
learning needs that fall outside the scope of the laboratory, the
studiolo, and the classroom. Specifically, the library becomes a
place where information technology is not only used and managed, but also
analyzed, invented — and even symbolically branded as a key institutional asset.
This model works well for interdisciplinary researchers, researchers who
experiment with new genres of scholarly communication, and students who want to
contribute to information technology projects or conduct research. It blurs the
lines between faculty and those librarians who commit technological and subject
expertise to projects developed in library centers and who work directly with
students. Librarians with this kind of expertise and authority are able to work
more effectively on particular collection mandates — curating print collections
around significant use potential, actively participating in open access ventures —
that can maximize institutional investments and potentially lower collection
costs. In turn, and because these librarians are contributing more directly
towards institutional missions or even helping to develop information technology
products that can be commercialized, institutions can afford to invest in library
collections, information technology R & D, and librarians with expertise and
authority.
Students’ needs are met through tools and consultations, but also through
library-led ventures in which students participate: DH projects, exhibitions,
information technology development teams.
Digital humanities projects will be created by teams of researchers and librarians
with complementary kinds of expertise. The projects will benefit from a broad
range of support: archiving, back-end management, R & D, student
participation. Interdisciplinary projects will be easier to realize through the
common resources provided by the library. Sustainable, inter-institutional
collaborations will be facilitated when librarians providing technological
expertise are focused on shared architecture, rather than the creation of virtuoso
stand-alone projects. But DH projects will require significant institutional
investments in DH centers. Where the commercialization of information technology
tools is also taking place, intellectual property protectionism may create
barriers to collaboration. Sustainability and discoverability may be threatened by
a funding environment in which signature stand-alone projects are attractive to
donors. Finally, smaller and less wealthy institutions may not be able to afford
the investment in library centers that would drive DH.
The gender patterns in this model will follow existing patterns in the library,
but these patterns would be partially disrupted by the need for technological and
subject expertise in both the quantitative and qualitative disciplines. Librarians
who provide high-level technology design or data services for the science
disciplines will more likely be men, but librarians in similar roles for the
social sciences and humanities may be men and women. Librarians who work with
students through consultations or by creating information literacy tools will more
likely be women, but librarians who work with students on library-led ventures —
DH projects, information technology development projects, exhibitions — may be men
and women. Librarians who are primarily responsible for acquiring and curating
resources will need some subject expertise, but will also need financial and legal
expertise. They, along with administrators and paraprofessionals, are more likely
to be women.
In Sum
These models suggest that academic embodiments of the digital humanities as an
innovative, interdisciplinary field of activity will flourish if they have as
partners libraries with robust humanities collections — archival materials in
original and surrogate forms, print and media holdings, born-digital primary
sources — and in-house expertise to develop and steward digital projects. These
are also the best conditions for modifying traditional patterns of library labor
in terms of gender. In other words, a virtuous circle might be achieved wherein
the digital humanities feeds a humanities-friendly library ecosystem, which in
turn requires skilled and knowledgeable librarians who are central to digital
humanities activities — a workforce that counter-acts the historically low pay and
status of librarians and the possibility of a “de-skilled”
library workforce in all areas except for data-intensive science.
Such a virtuous circle would not be without pitfalls or threats. There would still
be categorical divisions in library labor, defined by technological and subject
expertise, and possibly also along research versus teaching fault-lines. The
funding required by technology-rich, innovative library centers could deepen the
inequality that already exists between wealthy and less wealthy institutions.
Finally, it is not clear that librarian collaborators, with a status closer to
that of faculty, would be granted or would assume the kind of authority within the
library that would make them effective collections advocates. In other words,
librarians might still feel financial and social pressures to regard faculty input
as the sine qua non of collection management data. They might still say, as they
do now, “If faculty don’t use this collection, we
may not need to acquire/keep/fix/digitize/migrate it, regardless of whether
librarians use it or see its potential” — even if those librarians also
work directly with students, conduct research, contribute to DH projects, and
develop technology tools.
A Modest Proposal
Feminist examinations of gender in the library, starting in the 1960s, have
focused on the low status of librarianship, its fraught dynamic of
professionalization, and role segregation within the library.
[20] These studies have revealed certain patterns
recognizable to feminist economists, sociologists, historians, and cultural
analysts of other professional arenas — gendered divisions of labor and spheres of
influence; histories of exclusion, inequity, and community-building. The picture
that emerges when we view gender alongside the history of technology in the
library suggests that information technology, broadly defined, has helped to
organize all of these gender patterns since the beginning of the modern library
era. Mostly it has served as a way to demarcate masculine, higher-status positions
within and associations with the library from feminine, lower-status positions and
associations. Specifically, those who invent and symbolically invest certain
technologies with cultural meaning are men, while those who use and manage
technologies are women. What is mystifying is how technology continues to serve
this function even as feminist efforts within libraries — where most workers are
women — have attempted to unmask and redirect these historical gender
patterns.
The status, roles, pay, and perceptions of libraries and librarianship may be
organized in part by technology, but they are also united by their association
with the modern library’s service ethic, the professional signature of
librarianship, and the library’s claim to the domain of information services. It
was the service ethic that allowed women to enter the profession in the first
place in the guise of the “genteel library hostess”; a lady
librarian “always ready to serve” could
assist and defer to masculine pursuits.
[21] It
emphasized a particular kind of human labor: service is
“self-effacing.”
[22] As the gender of librarianship came
under feminist scrutiny, however, the ethic of service migrated — instead of being
abolished, it was adopted as an essential component of librarianship as a
professional occupation. An “orientation towards service” is a
professional trait for those who are effectively selling knowledge
services.
[23] But it seems to be enacted
differently in male- and female-dominated professions. In its more recent
historical guises, librarianship has brought service into the realm of services;
an attitude of service has become, in effect, a distinguishing feature of library
services. Service has gendered services. The relationship between service and
services in the library thus raises the question: is an attitude of service the
price you must pay for dispensing knowledge in a female-dominated profession?
Another way to put this is, if your services are not for sale, and if your ethic
of service dictates that you under-sell yourself, where does that leave you as a
professional?
The elision of service and services in librarianship — into what we could call
service(s) — coincided historically with efforts to emphasize the human labor of
librarianship, as distinct from the library as collection. “Library
services” as a term of art became more prominent as the service ethic
was linked to a predominantly female workforce: a Google n-gram analysis suggests
that it began to appear in the literature around 1920 and rose to a peak in the
late 1970s.
[24]
To this day, librarians almost universally speak of library and
information services, as opposed to activities or its cognates like projects,
programs, or enterprises. Even the pedagogical work that librarians do is coded as
instruction, with its more practical and limited sense of ministering a lesson —
of serving it up, we might say — as opposed to teaching, a philosophically
inflected gerund whose agents make a path to knowledge. “Library
services” as an output are obviously not identical to the ethic of
service, but they have been connected by feminized notions of facilitation and
assistance, through which the library is positioned as subservient to what the
library enables, knowledge production.
Technologies in the context of the library have also figured historically as
services to be used, as means to an end, rather than as forms of knowledge in and
of themselves, and have been largely invisible as technologies to non-librarians
until recently — this is true both of information technologies like print and the
database, and library-use technologies like circulation systems. One reason
“library services” continues to perform so efficiently as
shorthand for a particular idea of what libraries are for is that, in contrast to
the human valence the word carried fifty years ago, it now erases the distinction
between human labor and technological capacity: the people who work in libraries
exist on a continuum with the technologies they supply. Both workers and machines
are there to deliver the goods, not to create them.
Computerized library catalogs, then journal databases, and now digital tools like
discovery overlays have made library technologies more visible as technologies —
more evident and more important. As libraries increasingly employ technology
specialists who collaborate with researchers or who themselves work as
researchers, in units that manage data or create tools, the library has become a
site of information technology production as well as a site of use. But this new
role is both obscure and obscurantist when it comes to gender: it is still hidden
behind the feminized façade of library services; and, paradoxically, it has
contributed to the invisibility of gender patterns. While technology needs have
brought more men with specialized and economically desirable skills into the
library workforce, these men have tended to earn more than most of their female
colleagues — and so far have not altered the overall status of libraries or
librarianship, whether they are perceived by the public as librarians or not.
What this more recent history illustrates is that the simple infusion of new
technologies and even new role modalities into the library are not on their own
enough to shift inherited gender patterns. The addition of technological
specialists to the library has not had this effect, any more than have the
addition of faculty status for librarians, the idea of information science, or the
pedagogy of “information literacy.” Likewise, we cannot expect
the simple infusion of the digital humanities into the library to have a
transformative effect, unless we explicitly address the inherited and gendered
ideology of service(s).
Service(s) are, in a word, a dilemma: what has given us value in the past is
precisely what devalues us now and henceforth. To withdraw from the traditional
rationale of service(s) would be painful, not only because of the distress of
operational change, but because it would affect the library’s core identity — the
ideals that enable and ennoble the librarian’s self-effacing role. But we may have
to, if we want libraries to survive. It is time to detach service from services.
It is time to modernize what we mean by service, and it is time to ditch the
paradigm that we think defines us — the idea that the library is just a vehicle
for services.
The digital humanities appear to offer one mechanism for effecting this change, a
way forward that will benefit both libraries and the digital humanities. This
might just happen if the evolving set of technologies, roles, methods, and
outcomes that the digital humanities represent are mashed up with library
technologies, roles, methods, and expectations in ways that are designed to
terminate the gendered paradigm of services. At the same time, this mash-up might
be oriented towards a rigorously reconsidered ethic of service. Emancipated from
old patterns, service might even develop into an overarching value that is put
into action equitably across the higher education system: service through
research, teaching, institutional and disciplinary stewardship, and information
technologies that function both as tools and forms of learning.
A library that is an active, specialized agent is less available as the broad
screen onto which we can project our most cherished and elusive civic principles
and information dreams. That is a loss, in some ways. But a library that sheds its
claims to “timeless,”
Oblivion-esque ideals can address its own internal
conflicts with those ideals — and can change in response to new conditions, needs,
and principles. What libraries have been is historically specific; what they
become is up for grabs, but they will not have the luxury of reinventing
themselves in the future if they are already obsolete. Libraries will find it
difficult to achieve actual transformation unless the gender and technology
frameworks within which they have traditionally operated are laid bare and
overturned. And the digital humanities will encounter greater obstacles to its
potential growth unless it has as a partner such a transformed library — a deficit
that will harm the humanities more generally. If the library does manage to
transform in ways that significantly alter its inherited gender and technology
formulae, then we will experience a new kind of “shock of the
familiar” — the shock that, looking backwards, we could ever have
imagined that what we had once done and been would be sufficient for the future.
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